Child Welfare And Family Services Policies And Practice Pdf
File Name: child welfare and family services policies and practice .zip
- State Guides and Manuals Results practice+models
- Looking for other ways to read this?
- Child Welfare and Family Services: Policies and Practice
Goodreads helps you keep track of books you want to read. Want to Read saving….
State Guides and Manuals Results practice+models
Childhood health is associated with a wide variety of outcomes throughout the life course, from ongoing physical and mental health to disability, mortality, and socioeconomic status. Families bear the primary responsibility for making direct investments in children, as well as for regulating and allotting other public and private investments.
That is, families provide the caregiving context in which most children grow and develop; they also provide and allocate resources to children. In this way, families play the primary role in promoting child health and development. Thus, any effort to promote child health must necessarily involve families.
Yet the quality of the family environments in which children are raised varies considerably; in particular, not all families provide safe, stable, and high-quality care. In particular, we focus on family context structure, composition, and access to resources and parenting behaviors.
We consider health in a broad sense, including physical, social-emotional, behavioral, cognitive, and mental health and development. Second, we describe the role of the child protective services CPS system in protecting children from familial harm and intervening with families where child maltreatment has occurred.
We conclude that CPS has limited ability to influence child health, because it primarily intervenes only after harm has occurred and because a combination of resource constraints and a relatively narrow mandate means that CPS focuses on only a small proportion of children and families. Third, we review other policies and programs that can influence family contexts and behaviors before harm has occurred.
We highlight several promising programs—including economic support, community-level interventions, and home visiting programs—that have the potential to improve the quality of care children receive, reduce child maltreatment, and positively influence child health and development. Families are thought to influence child health through three primary mechanisms: biological and genetic endowments, financial investments goods and services purchased , and behavioral investments caregiving quantity and quality.
Wealthier parents can afford more and higher-quality goods and services than their lower-income counterparts. Likewise, within a given budget, more highly educated or skilled parents may make higher-quality caregiving choices than do less-educated or less-skilled parents. Finally, family structure, complexity, and fluidity are linked to the financial and behavioral investments that parents provide. Genes affect physical and mental health, and predispositions for many health conditions are heritable.
In short, biology is far from destiny. These include basic material needs, such as food, shelter, and medical care, as well as things that support social and cognitive development, such as schooling, books, and toys. Children from low-income families have poorer prenatal health and poorer birth outcomes than do their higher-income counterparts; these disparities persist throughout childhood and, indeed, their entire lives. In addition to exhibiting poorer overall health and higher rates of a host of specific health problems, low-income children receive fewer and lower-quality medical and related services for their health problems, and their families are less able to manage these problems and provide compensatory and supportive environments.
Families vary in their access to financial resources as well as the extent to which they invest available resources in children. Specifically, higher-income families make greater and higher-quality investments in every area. However, financial resources are intertwined with other social advantages, most notably higher levels of education and social status. Consequently, along with constrained choices, low-income parents may also have less knowledge to guide them in selecting the healthiest environments for their children.
Research has shown, for example, that maternal depression is associated with both low-quality parenting and with poor health and development among children. It may also make mothers less willing or able to take advantage of available services. As we discuss below, economic support policies can affect family resources and may thereby influence the amount of resources invested in children.
Such investments include the full range of caregiving environments and activities to which children are exposed, taking into account both quantity and quality.
High-quality childrearing requires that parents be accessible and available to children, engage with them, take responsibility for their safety and wellbeing, and use developmentally appropriate monitoring, management, and discipline strategies. Each of these tasks requires forethought, collaboration, and coordination. There are no commonly established thresholds for high-quality parenting. However, authoritative parenting, which combines supportive engagement with productive discipline, is thought to be the most developmentally stimulating parenting style.
Children benefit most when parents are warm, responsive, affectionate, nurturing, and supportive; when they impart information and skills in a productive and positive manner; and when they exercise appropriate monitoring, control, and discipline so children recognize that their actions have consequences.
Children raised by authoritative parents exhibit higher levels of self-esteem and less depression and anxiety, and they engage in fewer antisocial behaviors such as delinquency and substance use, than do children raised by authoritarian harsh, cold, and controlling or permissive parents.
At the low end of this continuum, substandard care may, at the extreme, cross a threshold into child abuse or neglect. We discuss several such policies and programs below. Child abuse and neglect pose a significant health risk for a large number of children.
The Fourth National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect, which aimed to estimate child maltreatment beyond only those circumstances known to CPS, suggested that each year, between 1. It is by far the most common form of maltreatment. Physical abuse consists of acts that cause bodily harm to a child or place a child at risk of bodily harm, often as a result of punishment or discipline. Sexual abuse is defined by a number of sexual activities involving children, ranging from direct sexual contact to sexual exploitation or exhibitionism.
These behaviors may take the form of acts of commission child physical abuse; child sexual abuse; some forms of psychological or emotional maltreatment and acts of omission child neglect; some forms of psychological or emotional maltreatment on the part of either a permanent or temporary caregiver.
In approximately 71 percent of confirmed maltreatment cases, a biological parent is the perpetrator. A recent comprehensive review and meta-analysis of the research identified 39 risk factors for child abuse and 22 for child neglect. Moreover, among families reported to CPS, poor families have a greater number of risk factors than their better-off counterparts, and, among poor families, those that are reported to CPS have more maltreatment-related risk factors than do families that are not reported.
Maltreatment during childhood is associated with a wide range of problems; these can be cognitive executive functioning and attention, skills development, or educational achievement and attainment ; mental health and social-emotional attachment and behavior problems, emotional regulation, post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, suicidality, criminal behavior, alcohol problems, or intergenerational transmission of maltreatment ; physical brain development, growth, obesity, or disease ; and economic earnings and income, job trajectory, occupation, or wealth.
Some children receive considerably lower-quality care than most other children do. We sometimes call this being exposed to substandard parenting or child maltreatment risk, which occurs when children receive a level of care that places them in the bottom end of the caregiving-quality distribution in one or more areas of parenting. These include parental warmth, emotional support, outings and activities, cognitive stimulation and access to learning materials, problems with the home interior safety hazards, clutter, crowding, inadequate lighting, inadequate heat , harsh discipline or frequent spanking, accidents requiring medical care, and access to routine medical and dental care.
Notably, however, though low-quality behaviors in these areas are associated with child maltreatment, they do not necessarily constitute maltreatment from a legal perspective. Nevertheless, substandard parenting indicates developmentally inappropriate caregiving and, at the extreme, may constitute or lead to maltreatment.
For example, a lack of medical or dental checkups may be a marker of risk for medical neglect. Extremely low levels of parental warmth, emotional support, or cognitive stimulation may suggest that a family is at risk of physical or emotional neglect. Likewise, excessive spanking may indicate that a family is at risk of physical abuse. Substandard parenting and child maltreatment are also closely related. Abusive and neglectful parents tend to be more punitive and less responsive to their children than other parents, as well as less demanding of their children.
Recent research also suggests that, after accounting for a host of other factors, substandard scores on widely used parenting assessments, such as the Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment and the Parent-Child Conflict Tactics Scales, are correlated with CPS involvement, as well as with other indicators of child maltreatment. Modern families come in a range of diverse and fluid forms. A large proportion, if not the majority, of U. Children who experience family complexity and fluidity tend to exhibit poorer average health and to have less access to regular health care.
Higher-income and married biological parents also make higher-quality behavioral investments. Likewise, compared with children in stably married, two-biological-parent families, children in other heterosexual family settings experience, on average, lower levels of parental support, supervision, and monitoring, as well as less consistent discipline. They also face greater levels of stress and parental conflict, and their parents have poorer psychological wellbeing.
For example, many children receive less child support whether formal or informal and direct caregiving involvement from nonresident fathers; these behaviors decrease further when mothers or fathers take a new partner or have new children. An estimated 13 percent of all U. Yet only a small portion of those children and their families received any compensatory services. About 62 percent of the reports received by CPS are screened in, meaning they receive an investigation or assessment, but the remaining 38 percent receive no formal response, and the families involved are often unaware that a report had been made.
The proportion of cases that are screened out varies substantially across states, however, giving reason to believe that these determinations are somewhat subjective and that the proportion of cases investigated likely depends on the availability of resources. Once reports are screened in, whether children or families receive services tends to depend on the outcome of the investigation or assessment.
Families most commonly receive services after CPS determines that a child has suffered maltreatment. Roughly 4. In the vast majority of CPS cases, children are determined not to be maltreatment victims; 70 percent of these children and their families receive no additional services. If a report is confirmed, CPS has several options: child victims and their families may receive no services 40 percent of confirmed cases , in-home services 36 percent , or out-of-home foster care services 24 percent.
In all, in , over 1 million U. State and county CPS systems vary greatly in terms of the services they offer and how accessible those services are. In part, this reflects the fact that CPS makes referrals to and contracts with a range of community-based agencies that tackle problems such as substance abuse, mental health, economic hardship, domestic violence, and parenting behaviors.
Most frequently, families receive parenting-related services that are similar to those available to the general public. They receive other types of services much less frequently. For example, despite the fact that substance abuse and mental health problems are common among CPS-involved families, intensive inpatient or outpatient services are not typically available to them, given budgetary constraints and limited capacity.
Arguably, the two most intensive types of interventions that CPS offers are family preservation programs to prevent removal of a child and family reunification programs to facilitate a safe return home after an out-of-home placement. Family preservation programs do little to prevent out-of-home placement or future maltreatment, though they have been shown to produce modest improvements in family functioning, parenting behavior, support, and child wellbeing.
Moreover, family preservation efforts on the whole have not consistently provided high-quality services. Yet few reunification programs have been rigorously evaluated. Furthermore, children who spend time in foster care go back to foster care at relatively high rates after being reunified with their families. Specifically, between a quarter and a third of reunified children will return to foster care within a year period. Thus we have little reason to believe that family preservation and family reunification services, in their current form, do much to promote the health and development of CPS-involved children.
For children who remain in their homes and those who are in an out-of-home placement but are expected to return home, the primary target of CPS intervention is most frequently their parents, rather than the children themselves. This may be particularly true for children who remain in their own homes. Compared to children in out-of-home placements, child maltreatment victims who remain in the home are less likely to have health insurance; to receive regular medical checkups and mental health screenings, referrals, and services; and to be up to date on their immunizations.
They are also more likely to have their dental, physical, or mental health care needs delayed due to cost, as well as to be hospitalized due to illness or injury. However, children who are removed from the home, on average, have experienced more severe maltreatment than those who are not.
As such, they are likely to exhibit more health and developmental problems and to need more services than do those who remain in the home. In short, CPS-involved children generally receive inadequate health services—even those in foster care, who are typically covered by Medicaid. Furthermore, CPS funding, caseloads, and the availability of community services that CPS can access varies considerably by locality.
More fully and evenly resourced CPS systems, in which caseloads allowed for intensive developmental assessments and caseworkers were adequately trained to identify children at risk for health and developmental problems, might play a significant role in identifying at-risk children and connecting them to services. However, this would require a considerable commitment of resources, as well as a shift in CPS priorities.
At the same time, foster care may disrupt familial and community ties and can thereby diminish mental and behavioral health. The effects of foster care placement itself are difficult to assess, given that children who enter care have generally experienced more severe maltreatment than children who remain in the home.
Looking for other ways to read this?
Goodreads helps you keep track of books you want to read. Want to Read saving…. Want to Read Currently Reading Read. Other editions. Enlarge cover.
Not a MyNAP member yet? Register for a free account to start saving and receiving special member only perks. S ince , a great deal of attention has been focused on policy, practice, and program initiatives aimed at improving both the delivery of child welfare services and the outcomes for children who come in contact with the public child welfare system—the system that implements, funds, or arranges for many of the programs and services provided when child abuse and neglect is suspected or has actually occurred. As described by Sanders at a workshop held for this study and elucidated by the discussion of research needs in Chapter 6 , there is a need for further study of systemic factors that impact the response to child abuse and neglect. An understanding of these issues can illuminate what happens to children after their risk for child abuse and neglect has been determined, including dispositions and outcomes for children and families, as well as how the system that serves them functions.
Child Welfare and Family Services: Policies and Practice (8th Edition). Child Welfare and Family Services: Policies and Practice (8th Edition) PDF TagsOnline.
Child Welfare and Family Services: Policies and Practice
Whilst social workers in the United Kingdom have been encouraged to shift from a child protection to a child welfare orientation in their practice, such changes have been hampered by professional and organizational concern to manage risk. The research explores the influence of a child protection orientation on practice in child welfare cases. The findings, from two file analyses and interviews with 26 social workers, indicate that such an influence is indeed apparent. This is evidenced in two ways; first patterns of practice in child welfare cases are similar to those in child protection cases.
If You're a Student
У нас почти не осталось времени, - сказал Фонтейн. - Давайте ближе к сути дела. Агент Колиандер нажал несколько кнопок, и кадры стали сменяться быстрее. Люди на подиуме с нетерпением ждали, когда на экране появится их бывший сослуживец Энсей Танкадо. Ускоренное проигрывание видеозаписи придавало изображению некоторую комичность.
Танкадо использовал ТРАНСТЕКСТ, чтобы запустить вирус в главный банк данных. Стратмор вяло махнул рукой в сторону монитора. Сьюзан посмотрела на экран и перевела взгляд на диалоговое окно. В самом низу она увидела слова: РАССКАЖИТЕ МИРУ О ТРАНСТЕКСТЕ СЕЙЧАС ВАС МОЖЕТ СПАСТИ ТОЛЬКО ПРАВДА Сьюзан похолодела. В АНБ сосредоточена самая секретная государственная информация: протоколы военной связи, разведданные, списки разведчиков в зарубежных странах, чертежи передовой военной техники, документация в цифровом формате, торговые соглашения, - и этот список нескончаем. - Танкадо не посмеет этого сделать! - воскликнула .
В помещении царила атмосфера полного хаоса. Сьюзан завороженно смотрела на захватывающую дух технику. Она смутно помнила, что для создания этого центра из земли пришлось извлечь 250 метрических тонн породы. Командный центр главного банка данных располагался на глубине шестидесяти с лишним метров от земной поверхности, что обеспечивало его неуязвимость даже в случае падения вакуумной или водородной бомбы. На высокой рабочей платформе-подиуме в центре комнаты возвышался Джабба, как король, отдающий распоряжения своим подданным. На экране за его спиной светилось сообщение, уже хорошо знакомое Сьюзан.
Да вы не стесняйтесь, сеньор. Мы служба сопровождения, нас нечего стесняться.
Возможно, он работал в одиночку. Стратмор хмыкнул. Мысль Сьюзан показалась ему достойной внимания. - Неплохо, но есть одно .
Нуматака чуть не расхохотался, но в голосе звонившего слышалась подозрительная решимость. - Если Танкадо перестанет быть фактором? - вслух размышлял Нуматака. - Тогда мы с вами придем к соглашению.
Да, - сказал Фонтейн, - и двадцать четыре часа в сутки наши фильтры безопасности их туда не пускают. Так что вы хотите сказать. Джабба заглянул в распечатку. - Вот что я хочу сказать. Червь Танкадо не нацелен на наш банк данных.
Он присел на корточки и в десяти метрах от себя увидел чей-то силуэт. - Мистер. Беккер узнал голос. Это девушка.
Когда я вернулся, немца уже не. - Вы не знаете, кто он .
Ну вот и хорошо. Девушка, которую я ищу, может быть. У нее красно-бело-синие волосы. Парень фыркнул. - Сегодня годовщина Иуды Табу.
Офицер был шокирован. - Вы же только что прибыли. - Да, но человек, оплативший авиабилет, ждет. Я должен доставить эти вещи. На лице лейтенанта появилось оскорбленное выражение, какое бывает только у испанцев.
Несколько месяцев она добивалась, чтобы он объяснил, что это значит, но Дэвид молчал. Моя любовь без воска. Это было его местью.
Вы уверены, что на руке у него не было перстня. Офицер удивленно на него посмотрел. - Перстня. - Да. Взгляните.